To many, the image of George Bush leaving Washington in a helicopter following the inauguration was a welcome sight. The last eight years of American politics have been some of the worst on record: two poorly planned and disastrously executed wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, an economic crisis, a surge in radical Islam, and a deeply rooted mistrust of the United States and its policies worldwide. The transition that took place on January 20 marks not only a fundamental shift in American politics, but the end of the political monoculture driving the dangerous and destructive policies of the last eight years.
The self-described “neo-conservatives” have enjoyed a vital role in the formulation and implementation of American policy since Reagan. In the post 9-11 era, they have monopolized US politics and the broader American political establishment. Yet prominent neo-cons Paul Wolfowitz, Karl Rove, Donald Rumsfeld, and Henry Kissinger were nowhere to be seen at Obama’s inauguration. The politically questionable Colin Powell was barely visible, hiding in the back row. Witnessing former vice-president Dick Cheney (who, ironically, injured his back while packing up the VP residence) being pushed around in a wheelchair, we’re met with a literal depiction of the state of American neo-conservatism at the dawn of the new administration: frail and unpopular.
But as many have noted, the Obama campaign’s success would have been unthinkable eight years ago. When one compares the current political climate in Washington to that of March 2003, at the peak of the “War on Terror,” the nation’s sharp turn becomes apparent.
Just five days before the inauguration, UK Foreign Secretary David Miliband strongly rebuked the outgoing administration and its policies. Miliband suggested that the War on Terror had been a “mistake,” and had “only served to unite disparate groups against the West.” He later added that the right response to the threat would have been to champion law, not subvert it, a reference to the secretive detention facilities and military courts that have been the subject of criticism for their legal and moral dubiousness. Miliband’s words are surprising considering the role that the Labour government played in the military occupations of Iraq and Afghanistan. Until Tony Blair’s resignation in 2007, Great Britain had been the staunchest ally of the Bush Administration, and one of the leading participants in the implementation of neo-conservative policy worldwide. Miliband’s statements seemed to reject the reasoning behind Bush-era foreign policy, which reached its apex with the infamous “Axis of Evil” speech during the State of the Union Address in 2002.
The notion that terrorism is a unified, ideologically motivated movement bent on destroying the West was one of the central tenets of the neo-conservative worldview. This way of thinking led to the Iraq War, brought the US close to war with Iran, and established the prison camp at Guantanamo Bay. Above all, this worldview has encouraged unilateralism over diplomacy, disdain for international bodies like the UN and the World Court, and a readiness to use military force over negotiation.
The new administration brings hope for a more pragmatic approach to foreign policy. Less than 24 hours after entering office, President Obama signed an executive order announcing the closure of the Guantanamo Bay prison facility within 100 days. If Obama delivers on his campaign promises, he will withdraw American forces from Iraq within 16 months and hold multilateral negotiations without preconditions with countries like Iran, Cuba, and Venezuela. In other words, he will bring an end to the divisive politics that have plagued Washington for the past eight years.
