As Canada braces for the 2010 G8 Summit in Huntsville, one question is on the mind of every pertinent policy maker and opinion leader: how should the Group of Eight expand? There are endlessly differing concepts of how the G8 should enlarge itself, from the usual talk of adding China and India to more ambitious plans of merging the G20 and G8 into one. The proposals have resulted in a Bingo-call of sorts—the G14? G8+5? G22?—but very little concrete decision making.
The problems plaguing the reform process are manifold. Make the G8 too large and you risk gridlocking the system, relegating the institution to a forum for talk and nothing more. Including China would no doubt create major ideological disputes among the members on issues of global governance, human rights, and humanitarian intervention. Adding India—with its economic ascendance and democratic nature—would seem like a prudent move, but geopolitics could get in the way. For example, placing India in a new position of power would greatly heighten China’s perception of India as a regional competitor and threat. If the intention of western powers is to help China buy into the ideology of the G8, including India without China would risk further alienating the People’s Republic.
Of the four BRIC rising powers—an acronym coined in 2001 by Goldman Sachs to include Brazil, Russia, India, and China—Brazil may be the only member that will pass all litmus tests set by the G8. It is arguably the regional hegemon of Latin America, a leader among developing countries, and a liberal, albeit imperfect, democracy. In the age of peak oil and global climate change, Brazil’s rising profile is evident in its innovative work on alternative fuels. In 2008, Brazil produced 37 per cent of the world’s ethanol (much of which was the sugar cane variety, which is far more energy efficient than corn). The recent awarding of the 2016 Summer Olympic Games to Rio de Janeiro—the first Latin American city to ever play host—is another indicator of Brazil’s increasing relevance in the world.
Moreover, Brazil does not suffer from the same geopolitical or ideological controversies that plague a China or India. Arguably the only country alienated by such reform would be Venezuela. But Venezuela, for all of strongman Hugo Chavez’s bluster and rhetoric, is better sidelined and ignored. The G8 must adopt a more ideologically inclusive nature on economic matters, particularly in light of the recent financial crisis. Chavez, with his forced nationalization schemes and hostile takeover of civil institutions, represents the wrong approach to global economic governance. Brazilian President Luiz “Lula” De Silva’s social safety nets and sustainable development schemes represent the right way. Whereas Chavez is bent on intervening in the affairs of democratic neighbour Honduras and blasting hot air against the United States, Lula is more interested in strengthening Latin American institutions and economies. At the end of the day, if the G8 ends up empowering a productive member of the global community and marginalizing a regional bully, it is for the better.
Eventually, the world will need to welcome populous economic powerhouses like China and India to the global governing table. After all, there may come a day when said countries force their way in. But for the moment, Brazil is a near perfect fit for an aging institution in need of voices from outside the Global North. If the G8 cares about its own legitimacy, values, and ability to govern the world positively, it should welcome Brazil into the club.
