The Liberals should form a coaliton with the PCs
David Woolley
VARSITY STAFF
Bear with me, because what you are about to hear may sound like one of the most blasphemous and inconceivable ideas that will ever enter your mind, an event that, were it to happen, may lead to the end of the world as we know it — human sacrifice, dogs and cats living together, mass hysteria! Since our recent election resulted in a minority government, I propose that the Liberals, in an effort to get legislation passed smoothly and efficiently, form a coalition with the Progressive Conservatives.
Hold on! Before you tear up the paper, hear me out: this is an idea that could be ideal for both parties.
We are in a strange world politically not only in Canada, but around the world. In Britain, the Liberal Democrats are the junior partners in coalition with the Conservative Party, and in Ottawa, a leaderless NDP sits as one of the largest opposition parties in Canadian history. The global economy is struggling its way out of a massive global downturn and all jurisdictions are being called upon to implement austerity measures. These bizarre circumstances may make it the right time to try something revolutionary — but utterly sensible.
To begin with, for a man who claimed to be a real change from the status quo, Tim Hudak ran on a platform that was surprisingly similar to McGuinty’s. On the big issues — job creation, healthcare and education — Hudak’s positions were, for the most part, indistinguishable from the premier’s. Add to that the penchant for parties, once in power, to drift towards the centre and you are left with the realization that a Hudak government would not have been radically different from the McGuinty one it might have replaced. Partisan attacks have been so visceral and personal because on policy there is little difference to demonstrate.
Politically, it will be very hard for McGuinty to maintain an air of legitimacy as a Premier for all Ontarians when his party holds virtually no seats from rural ridings. Hudak’s PCs on the other hand are almost exclusively rural in their representation. If legitimacy in governing is to be desired — as one would imagine it would be — then this divide must be bridged.
Secondly, a coalition puts both leaders in a very comfortable position. McGuinty silences his greatest opposition by bringing them into the fold, leaving only 17 NDP MPs to be Official Opposition to a 90 seat—strong Liberal—PC government. This means that on the major issues, McGuinty will face no gridlock to getting his measures passed. However, this will not, necessarily, be a bad thing for Hudak. Four years from now, come election time, he can claim that any winning policy succeeded because it a) was either a PC proposal or b) was subject to PC reforms which made it successful.
Yet at the same time, Hudak can claim that any particularly unpopular or unsuccessful project was a bill pushed through the coalition by the Liberals against the will of the PCs. And if they didn’t vote in a way that suggests this to be the case, Hudak can shrug it off as a vote in which his hands were tied — claiming the future of the coalition rested on it and Hudak would have rather seen an imperfect Liberal—PC plan than a disastrous Liberal—NDP coalition that would come to pass if he broke ties with the Liberals.
Finally, it would give Hudak and his MPs serious governing experience. The coalition’s cabinet would have major posts filled by PCs, including a choice cabinet position for Hudak himself. This would mean that any Hudak—led PC government in the future would not seem like an untested commodity but a safe and responsible alternative — you could change premiers without risking an untrained government.
Whether or not the leaders take up this idea depends on a number of variables: the personal egos of the leaders; the practical divide between the farthest right members of the PC caucus and the farthest left of the Liberals; the breaking of centuries of political tradition by forming a coalition between the two largest parties in parliament; as well as the popular response to such a move from Ontarians. All this considered, such a move is improbable but by no means impossible and should be considered seriously by the two leaders. Four years from now, come the next election, the Liberals and the PCs would both emerge from a coalition ideally positioned to portray themselves as serious contenders for the provincial government.
The Liberals should form a coalition with the NDP
Patrick Baud
VARSITY STAFF
Despite a truly soporific campaign, the provincial election held earlier this month in Ontario yielded an interesting result. The vote left the governing Liberals one seat short of a majority at 53 seats. Last week, Liberal leader and current Premier Dalton McGuinty announced his intention to form a government without seeking to form a coalition or to conclude another kind of accord with one of the two opposition parties.
Instead, McGuinty hopes to negotiate the passage of individual laws with the opposition. This may be the ideal strategy for the Liberals, but it certainly is not for Ontarians.
Rather than governing on an issue-by-issue basis, the Liberals should seek to make a deal with the New Democrats.
While it would be unreasonable for them to form a coalition given the near majority held by the Liberals, New Democratic leader Andrea Horwath could agree to support the Liberals on the budget and a few key bills for two or three years. In exchange for their support, the Liberals would agree to modify their policies, and adopt new ones in certain key areas. This would allow the Ontario government to function effectively and to avoid the kind of legislative deadlock that plagued the federal parliament during Stephen Harper’s early years as prime minister.
Such an accord is not without precedent in Ontario nor even for the New Democrats. After the 1987 provincial election, then leader of the New Democrats, Bob Rae agreed to support David Peterson’s Liberals to form the government in exchange for some policy concessions laid out in a formal agreement. An informal agreement would also be possible. After the 1975 election, then leader of the New Democrats, Stephen Lewis, agreed not to defeat the Progressive Conservatives under Bill Davis in exchange for the introduction of rent control legislation.
It would be better for the Liberals and the New Democrats to sign a formal agreement publicly so that they can be transparent about the purpose and limits of the deal. The focus should be on the economy, which was where both parties devoted much of their energy during the election campaign. Fortunately, both parties agree broadly on the objectives of economic policy, if not necessarily on the means which should be used to achieve them. During the current climate of economic uncertainty, it is crucial that the government seek to encourage growth and to reduce Ontario’s sizeable deficit.
While the specific policies that would be used to achieve these goals would have to be negotiated between the two parties, there were some hints offered during the election campaign of what such an approach would look like. For instance, rather than lowering corporate taxes across the board, the Liberals could agree to focus tax cuts on small and medium-sized businesses, which the New Democrats advocated during the campaign. Since these businesses create most of the jobs in Ontario, it should be the government’s priority to ensure that they can do so.
Similarly, the New Democrats could lend their support to the Liberal proposal to create a grant that would reduce tuition fees for college and university programs by one third for most families. This is not to say, however, that there would be complete agreement between parties nor that there should be. They differ, for instance, on the role that the government should play in protecting Ontario industries. Adopting a “Buy Ontario” policy, as the New Democrats propose, would weaken the competitiveness of Ontario businesses and thereby weaken Ontario’s ability to export. However, these differences should not be used as an excuse for the Liberals and New Democrats not to work together to effectively govern Ontario.
The alternative is either years of legislative deadlock as the Liberals refuse to compromise or years of mediocre, timid government, left unable to make decisions to safeguard the future of Ontario. While the Liberals and the New Democrats certainly do not agree on all matters, they agree on what are the most important issues facing Ontario and can surely find a way to take action on them. If they cannot, then Ontario will not be well positioned to deal with the challenges that continued economic uncertainty may bring.
