These are strange times for the Caribbean. On November 6, Puerto Rico held a referendum to decide its international status. Currently the island is a Commonwealth within the United States, meaning it cedes control of its foreign affairs and defense to the U.S. while maintaining self-government and not paying U.S. taxes. However, the island’s nearly four million residents do not have a vote in Congress or the Electoral College, which elects the U.S. president. In the referendum, 61 per cent of voters chose full U.S. statehood over independence or greater autonomy.
Jamaica, about half the size of Puerto Rico, has just marked the 50th anniversary of its independence from the United Kingdom. Yet in a June 2011 poll, 60 per cent of Jamaicans said the island would be better off if it returned to British colonial rule. Six months after that poll was taken, the citizens of Jamaica removed the Jamaican Labour Party from power. The party’s rule had been defined by one of the highest murder rates in the world and a dismal economy. Despite the party’s ouster, there are few signs that Jamaica’s prospects will have a significant turnaround in the near future.
This is an opportunity for Canada. The Caribbean region has long been the almost exclusive domain of the United States and the influence of coastal states — particularly Florida and Texas — has historically been integral to the history and development of the region’s Spanish-speaking nations. However, of the 22 independent countries in the Caribbean, 14 speak English and eight of those have the British Queen as their head of state, like Canada. They also share with Canada the Westminster parliamentary system and tradition of Common Law. Canada is also home to a sizeable West Indian population, many of whom still have family in the Caribbean.
These nations currently receive large amounts of foreign aid from the Republic of China (Taiwan) and the People’s Republic of China in an attempt to shore up votes at the UN. But this bankrolling has done little to improve the lives of those in the region. A sluggish economy and high poverty rates are the regrettable norm. Yet a concerted effort by Canada to turn this around would provide significant advantages for both the Caribbean and Canada.
By signing agreements to allow for the free movement of goods, capital, and people, Canada could open the region up to a massive influx in investment in agriculture, natural resources, banking, and tourism. Canadian universities and colleges would be open to Caribbean students, while Caribbean workers could help meet Canada’s labour shortage.
Students would return to their nations better equipped to handle the demands of an advanced economy, while workers would send back much of their pay cheques to help pay expenses back home. As the standard of living rises, greater integration could be pursued with the express desire of bringing the region into Canada’s confederation. At that point, Canada would not only have brought into its fold a sizeable population and economy, but would also have greater access to the growing Central and South American markets.
The desire to seek alternatives to independence has never been greater in the Caribbean, and Canada has never had a better chance to exercise its influence there. Greater economic, social, and eventual political union would be a boon for all parties.
